NCERT Solutions For Class 12 Political Science Chapter 14 Regional Aspirations

• The Assam Movement from 1979 to 1985 is the best example of such movements against ‘outsiders’. The Assamese suspected that there were huge numbers of illegal Bengali Muslim settlers from Bangladesh.
• They felt that unless these foreign nationals are detected and deported they would reduce the indigenous Assamese into a minority. The outsiders will intermingle and destroy their culture.
• There was widespread poverty and unemployment in Assam despite the existence of natural resources like oil, tea and coal.
• It was felt that these were drained out of the State without any commensurate benefit to the people. The economic backwardness of the region gave rise to establishment of All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) that started an anti-foreigner movement.

• The Anandpur Sahib Resolution asserted regional autonomy and wanted to redefine centre-state relationship in the country. The resolution also spoke of the aspirations of the Sikh qaum (community or nation) and declared its goal as attaining the bolbala (dominance or hegemony) of the Sikhs.
• The Resolution was a plea for strengthening federalism, but it could also be interpreted as a plea for a separate Sikh nation. A section of the religious leaders raised the question of autonomous Sikh identity.
• The more extreme elements started advocating secession from India and the creation of ‘Khalistan’. By raising all these demands the Anandpur Sahib Resolution became controversial.

Regional demands from different parts of India exemplify the principle of unity with diversity because

1. Regional aspirations are very much a part of democratic politics. Expression of regional issues is not an aberration or an abnormal phenomenon. A large and diverse democracy like India must deal with regional aspirations on a regular basis. Nation building is an ongoing process.
2. Regional aspirations can be easily dealt with deliberation and negotiation without resorting to force.
3. The nation with diverse regions must give regions a share in deciding the destiny of the nation. If regions are not given a share in the national level decision making, the feeling of injustice and alienation can spread.
4. Regional imbalance is a fact of India’s development experience. Their backwardness should be addressed on priority basis. Regional demands raise these issues and helps unified nation.
5. Our Constitution makers have made enough provisions to deal with questions of diversity. The federal system adopted by India is a flexible arrangement. Regional demands get accommodated easily by these provisions.

The constitutional framework in India is much more flexible and accommodative. Therefore, regional aspirations are not encouraged to espouse separatism and remain within the nation with unity in diversity.

• All regional movements need not lead to separatist demands if the constitutional framework is much flexible and accommodative. Therefore in India, regional aspirations are not encouraged to espouse separatism. Thus, politics in India has succeeded in accepting regionalism as part and parcel of democratic politics.
• Punjab and Mizoram are the glaring example of these trends. At one time both the states, demanded separation from the nation. But apt handling of situation created peaceful situation in both the states and added them into the mainstream of nation.
• Rajiv Gandhi and Laldenga accord granted full-fledged statehood with special powers and the MNF agreed to give up secessionist struggle. Laldenga took over as the Chief Minister.
• This accord proved a turning point in the history of Mizoram. Today, Mizoram is one of the most peaceful places in the region and has taken big strides in literacy and development. Similarly Rajiv Gandhi - Longowal Accord or the Punjab Accord, was a step towards bringing normalcy to Punjab.
• It is also not surprising that most of these struggles were long drawn and concluded in negotiated settlements or accords between the central government and the groups leading the movement for autonomy. The accords were reached after a process of dialogue that aimed to settle contentious issues within the constitutional framework.

• Jammu and Kashmir comprises three social and political regions: Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. The heart of the Kashmir region is the Kashmir valley; the people are Kashmiri speaking and mostly Muslim with a small Kashmiri speaking Hindu minority.
• Jammu region is a mix of foothills and plains, of Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs and speakers of various languages. The Ladakh region is mountainous, has very little population which is equally divided between Buddhists and Muslims.
• Jammu and Kashmir is one of the living examples of plural society and politics. Not only are there diversities of all kind (religious, cultural, linguistic, ethnic, tribal) but there are also divergent political aspirations. Internal divisions of the State of Jammu and Kashmir lead to multiple regional aspirations in form of separatists who want a separate Kashmiri nation, independent of India and Pakistan.
• Then there are groups that want Kashmir to merge with Pakistan. Besides these, there is a third strand which wants greater autonomy for the people of the State within the Indian union.
• The idea of autonomy attracts the people of Jammu and Ladakh regions in a different way. They often complain of neglect and backwardness. Therefore, the demand for intra-State autonomy is as strong as the demand for the State autonomy.

• After coming to power following the election in 1984, the new Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi initiated a dialogue with moderate Akali leaders. In July 1985, he reached an agreement with Harchand Singh Longowal, then the President of the Akali Dal. This agreement, known as the Rajiv Gandhi - Longowal Accord or the Punjab Accord, was a step towards bringing normalcy to Punjab.
• It was agreed that Chandigarh would be transferred to Punjab, a separate commission would be appointed to resolve the border dispute between Punjab and Haryana, and a tribunal would be set up to decide the sharing of Ravi-Beas river water among Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan.
• The agreement also provided for compensation to and better treatment of those affected by the militancy in Punjab and the withdrawal of the application of Armed Forces Special Powers Act in Punjab.
• As per the accord, it had been agreed that Chandigarh would be transferred to Punjab and Haryana would get a new capital.
• This became basis for further tensions between the Punjab and Haryana. Chandigarh became union territory and capital of these both the states. That is why accord was never fully implemented.

(a)  Poet is talking about the seven states of north-eastern India that became seven sisters born of the same mother.

(b)

• The non-Assamese felt that the Assam government was imposing Assamese language on them. There were opposition and protest riots throughout the State.
• Leaders of the major tribal communities wanted to separate from Assam. They formed the Eastern India Tribal Union which later transformed into a more comprehensive All Party Hill Leaders Conference in 1960. They demanded a tribal State to be carved out of Assam.
• Finally instead of one tribal State, several States got carved out of Assam. At different points of time the Central Government had to create Meghalaya, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh out of Assam. Tripura and Manipur were upgraded into States too.

(c)  A nation is to a great extent an imagined community, held together by the collective beliefs, aspirations and imaginations of its members. Sharing a common past and living together on a particular territory over a long period of time gives people a sense of their collective identity. The Indian nation identifies with the rivers, mountains and regions of the Indian sub-continent. We all Indians share all these characteristic of a nation.

The special status and autonomy given by Article 370 has provoked two opposite reactions. There is a section of people outside of J&K that believes that the special status of the State conferred by Article 370 does not allow full integration of the State with India. This section feels that Article 370 should therefore be revoked and J&K should be like any other State in India.

Mostly Kashmiris, believe that the autonomy conferred by Article 370 is not enough. A section of Kashmiris have expressed at least three major grievances.

1. First, the promise that Accession would be referred to the people of the State after the situation created by tribal invasion was normalised, has not been fulfilled. This has generated the demand for a ‘Plebiscite’.
2. Secondly, there is a feeling that the special federal status guaranteed by Article 370, has been eroded in practice. This has led to the demand for restoration of autonomy or ‘Greater State Autonomy’.
3. Thirdly, it is felt that democracy which is practiced in the rest of India has not been similarly institutionalised in the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

First viewpoint is correct because Indian constitution under Article 370 gives greater autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir compared to other States of India. The State has its own Constitution. All provisions of the Indian Constitution are not applicable to the State. Laws passed by the Parliament apply to J&K only if the State agrees.

Second viewpoint is correct if its demand is restricted to greater state autonomy only, instead of secession from the union. Every individual being human being deserves basic Human rights, these rights can be realised only in democratic state. The grievance of its’ own citizens must be looked by the state in most sincere manner.

Both the views are justifiable on their own grounds. Need is to make a middle path by deliberation discussion and negotiation.